A
declaration of independence is a proclamation of the independence
of an aspiring state or states. Such states are usually formed from part
or all of the territory of another nation or failed nation, or are
breakaway territories from within the parent state.
Declarations
of independence are typically made without the consent of the parent
state, and hence are sometimes called unilateral declarations of
independence (UDI), particularly by those who question the validity
of the declarations.

Thomas
Jefferson
Overview
In
international politics, unilateral declarations of independence are
generally frowned upon, since preservation of territory is one of the
few things that most countries of the world agree upon.
In
international law, there are multiple schools of thought regarding the
creation of statehood. One of these, the declarative theory of statehood
holds that a self-declared state that meets certain minimum criteria is
indeed a state, even if not recognized by any other nation. Conversely,
the constitutive theory of statehood holds a self-declared state is not
truly a state until it receives at least a minimal level of
acknowledgement (but not formal recognition) by existing states.
Declaring
independence or supporting such a declaration is seen as a hostile act
that may easily lead to war. Money
is often an important factor when one state attempts to succeed another,
with control of important resources such as ports, oil fields or
strategic towns or geographic features leading to dispute. If a
government has extremely large debts to other organizations, there may
be international pressure for these debts to be taken over by successor
governments, even if the original governmental organization is
disbanded.
Many
states have come into being through a Declaration of Independence. The
legality of a Declaration of Independence is often the subject of debate
and unsurprisingly the previous government typically asserts that a
Declaration of Independence is illegal.
US
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
Drafted
by Thomas Jefferson between June 11 and June 28, 1776, the Declaration
of Independence is at once the nation's most cherished symbol of liberty
and Jefferson's most enduring monument. Here, in exalted and
unforgettable phrases, Jefferson expressed the convictions in the minds
and hearts of the American people. The political philosophy of the
Declaration was not new; its ideals of individual liberty had already
been expressed by John Locke and the Continental philosophers. What
Jefferson did was to summarize this philosophy in "self-evident
truths" and set forth a list of grievances against the King in
order to justify before the world the breaking of ties between the
colonies and the mother country.
HISTORY
Nations
come into being in many ways. Military rebellion, civil strife, acts of
heroism, acts of treachery, a thousand greater and lesser clashes
between defenders of the old order and supporters of the new--all these
occurrences and more have marked the emergences of new nations, large
and small. The birth of our own nation included them all. That birth was
unique, not only in the immensity of its later impact on the course of
world history and the growth of democracy, but also because so many of
the threads in our national history run back through time to come
together in one place, in one time, and in one document: the Declaration
of Independence.
Moving
Toward Independence
The
clearest call for independence up to the summer of 1776 came in
Philadelphia on June 7. On that date in session in the Pennsylvania
State House (later Independence Hall), the Continental Congress heard
Richard Henry Lee of Virginia read his resolution beginning:
"Resolved: That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to
be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all
allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection
between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally
dissolved."
The
Lee Resolution was an expression of what was already beginning to happen
throughout the colonies. When the Second Continental Congress, which was
essentially the government of the United States from 1775 to 1788, first
met in May 1775, King George III had not replied to the petition for
redress of grievances that he had been sent by the First Continental
Congress. The Congress gradually took on the responsibilities of a
national government. In June 1775 the Congress established the
Continental Army as well as a continental currency. By the end of July
of that year, it created a post office for the "United
Colonies."
In
August 1775 a royal proclamation declared that the King's American
subjects were "engaged in open and avowed rebellion." Later
that year, Parliament passed the American Prohibitory Act, which made
all American vessels and cargoes forfeit to the Crown. And in May 1776
the Congress learned that the King had negotiated treaties with German
states to hire mercenaries to fight in America. The weight of these
actions combined to convince many Americans that the mother country was
treating the colonies as a foreign entity.
One
by one, the Continental Congress continued to cut the colonies' ties to
Britain. The Privateering Resolution, passed in March 1776, allowed the
colonists "to fit out armed vessels to cruize [sic] on the enemies
of these United Colonies." On April 6, 1776, American ports were
opened to commerce with other nations, an action that severed the
economic ties fostered by the Navigation Acts. A "Resolution for
the Formation of Local Governments" was passed on May 10, 1776.
At
the same time, more of the colonists themselves were becoming convinced
of the inevitability of independence. Thomas Paine's Common Sense,
published in January 1776, was sold by the thousands. By the middle of
May 1776, eight colonies had decided that they would support
independence. On May 15, 1776, the Virginia Convention passed a
resolution that "the delegates appointed to represent this colony
in General Congress be instructed to propose to that respectable body to
declare the United Colonies free and independent states."
It
was in keeping with these instructions that Richard Henry Lee, on June
7, 1776, presented his resolution. There were still some delegates,
however, including those bound by earlier instructions, who wished to
pursue the path of reconciliation with Britain. On June 11 consideration
of the Lee Resolution was postponed by a vote of seven colonies to five,
with New York abstaining. Congress then recessed for 3 weeks. The tone
of the debate indicated that at the end of that time the Lee Resolution
would be adopted. Before Congress recessed, therefore, a Committee of
Five was appointed to draft a statement presenting to the world the
colonies' case for independence.

The
Committee of Five
The
committee consisted of two New England men, John Adams of Massachusetts
and Roger Sherman of Connecticut; two men from the Middle Colonies,
Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania and Robert R. Livingston of New York;
and one southerner, Thomas Jefferson of Virginia. In 1823 Jefferson
wrote that the other members of the committee "unanimously pressed
on myself alone to undertake the draught [sic]. I consented; I drew it;
but before I reported it to the committee I communicated it separately
to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams requesting their corrections. . . I then
wrote a fair copy, reported it to the committee, and from them,
unaltered to the Congress." (If Jefferson did make a "fair
copy," incorporating the changes made by Franklin and Adams, it has
not been preserved. It may have been the copy that was amended by the
Congress and used for printing, but in any case, it has not survived.
Jefferson's rough draft, however, with changes made by Franklin and
Adams, as well as Jefferson's own notes of changes by the Congress, is
housed at the Library of Congress.)
Jefferson's
account reflects three stages in the life of the Declaration: the
document originally written by Jefferson; the changes to that document
made by Franklin and Adams, resulting in the version that was submitted
by the Committee of Five to the Congress; and the version that was
eventually adopted.
On
July 1, 1776, Congress reconvened. The following day, the Lee Resolution
for independence was adopted by 12 of the 13 colonies, New York not
voting. Immediately afterward, the Congress began to consider the
Declaration. Adams and Franklin had made only a few changes before the
committee submitted the document. The discussion in Congress resulted in
some alterations and deletions, but the basic document remained
Jefferson's. The process of revision continued through all of July 3 and
into the late morning of July 4. Then, at last, church bells rang out
over Philadelphia; the Declaration had been officially adopted.
The
Declaration of Independence is made up of five distinct parts: the
introduction; the preamble; the body, which can be divided into two
sections; and a conclusion. The introduction states that this document
will "declare" the "causes" that have made it
necessary for the American colonies to leave the British Empire. Having
stated in the introduction that independence is unavoidable, even
necessary, the preamble sets out principles that were already recognized
to be "self-evident" by most 18th- century Englishmen, closing
with the statement that "a long train of abuses and usurpations . .
. evinces a design to reduce [a people] under absolute Despotism, it is
their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to
provide new Guards for their future security." The first section of
the body of the Declaration gives evidence of the "long train of
abuses and usurpations" heaped upon the colonists by King George
III. The second section of the body states that the colonists had
appealed in vain to their "British brethren" for a redress of
their grievances. Having stated the conditions that made independence
necessary and having shown that those conditions existed in British
North America, the Declaration concludes that "these United
Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that
they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all
political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and
ought to be totally dissolved."
Although
Congress had adopted the Declaration submitted by the Committee of Five,
the committee's task was not yet completed. Congress had also directed
that the committee supervise the printing of the adopted document. The
first printed copies of the Declaration of Independence were turned out
from the shop of John Dunlap, official printer to the Congress. After
the Declaration had been adopted, the committee took to Dunlap the
manuscript document, possibly Jefferson's "fair copy" of his
rough draft. On the morning of July 5, copies were dispatched by members
of Congress to various assemblies, conventions, and committees of safety
as well as to the commanders of Continental troops. Also on July 5, a
copy of the printed version of the approved Declaration was inserted
into the "rough journal" of the Continental Congress for July
4. The text was followed by the words "Signed by Order and in
Behalf of the Congress, John Hancock, President. Attest. Charles
Thomson, Secretary." It is not known how many copies John Dunlap
printed on his busy night of July 4. There are 24 copies known to exist
of what is commonly referred to as "the Dunlap broadside," 17
owned by American institutions, 2 by British institutions, and 5 by
private owners. (See Appendix A.)
The
Engrossed Declaration
On
July 9 the action of Congress was officially approved by the New York
Convention. All 13 colonies had now signified their approval. On July
19, therefore, Congress was able to order that the Declaration be
"fairly engrossed on parchment, with the title and stile [sic] of
'The unanimous declaration of the thirteen United States of America,'
and that the same, when engrossed, be signed by every member of
Congress."
Engrossing
is the process of preparing an official document in a large, clear hand.
Timothy Matlack was probably the engrosser of the Declaration. He was a
Pennsylvanian who had assisted the Secretary of the Congress, Charles
Thomson, in his duties for over a year and who had written out George
Washington's commission as commanding general of the Continental Army.
Matlack set to work with pen, ink, parchment, and practiced hand, and
finally, on August 2, the journal of the Continental Congress records
that "The declaration of independence being engrossed and compared
at the table was signed." One of the most widely held
misconceptions about the Declaration is that it was signed on July 4,
1776, by all the delegates in attendance.
John
Hancock, the President of the Congress, was the first to sign the sheet
of parchment measuring 24¼ by 29¾ inches. He used a bold signature
centered below the text. In accordance with prevailing custom, the other
delegates began to sign at the right below the text, their signatures
arranged according to the geographic location of the states they
represented. New Hampshire, the northernmost state, began the list, and
Georgia, the southernmost, ended it. Eventually 56 delegates signed,
although all were not present on August 2. Among the later signers were
Elbridge Gerry, Oliver Wolcott, Lewis Morris, Thomas McKean, and Matthew
Thornton, who found that he had no room to sign with the other New
Hampshire delegates. A few delegates who voted for adoption of the
Declaration on July 4 were never to sign in spite of the July 19 order
of Congress that the engrossed document "be signed by every member
of Congress." Nonsigners included John Dickinson, who clung to the
idea of reconciliation with Britain, and Robert R. Livingston, one of
the Committee of Five, who thought the Declaration was premature.
Parchment
and Ink
Over
the next 200 years, the nation whose birth was announced with a
Declaration "fairly engrossed on parchment" was to show
immense growth in area, population, economic power, and social
complexity and a lasting commitment to a testing and strengthening of
its democracy. But what of the parchment itself? How was it to fare over
the course of two centuries?
In
the chronicle of the Declaration as a physical object, three themes
necessarily entwine themselves: the relationship between the physical
aging of the parchment and the steps taken to preserve it from
deterioration; the relationship between the parchment and the copies
that were made from it; and finally, the often dramatic story of the
travels of the parchment during wartime and to its various homes.
Chronologically,
it is helpful to divide the history of the Declaration after its signing
into five main periods, some more distinct than others. The first period
consists of the early travels of the parchment and lasts until 1814. The
second period relates to the long sojourn of the Declaration in
Washington, DC, from 1814 until its brief return to Philadelphia for the
1876 Centennial. The third period covers the years 1877-1921, a period
marked by increasing concern for the deterioration of the document and
the need for a fitting and permanent Washington home. Except for an
interlude during World War II, the fourth and fifth periods cover the
time the Declaration rested in the Library of Congress from 1921 to 1952
and in the National Archives from 1952 to the present.
Early
Travels, 1776-1814
Once
the Declaration was signed, the document probably accompanied the
Continental Congress as that body traveled during the uncertain months
and years of the Revolution. Initially, like other parchment documents
of the time, the Declaration was probably stored in a rolled format.
Each time the document was used, it would have been unrolled and
re-rolled. This action, as well as holding the curled parchment flat,
doubtless took its toll on the ink and on the parchment surface through
abrasion and flexing. The acidity inherent in the iron gall ink used by
Timothy Matlack allowed the ink to "bite" into the surface of
the parchment, thus contributing to the ink's longevity, but the rolling
and unrolling of the parchment still presented many hazards.
After
the signing ceremony on August 2, 1776, the Declaration was most likely
filed in Philadelphia in the office of Charles Thomson, who served as
the Secretary of the Continental Congress from 1774 to 1789. On December
12, threatened by the British, Congress adjourned and reconvened 8 days
later in Baltimore, MD. A light wagon carried the Declaration to its new
home, where it remained until its return to Philadelphia in March of
1777.
On
January 18, 1777, while the Declaration was still in Baltimore,
Congress, bolstered by military successes at Trenton and Princeton,
ordered the second official printing of the document. The July 4
printing had included only the names of John Hancock and Charles
Thomson, and even though the first printing had been promptly circulated
to the states, the names of subsequent signers were kept secret for a
time because of fear of British reprisals. By its order of January 18,
however, Congress required that "an authentic copy of the
Declaration of Independency, with the names of the members of Congress
subscribing to the same, be sent to each of the United States, and that
they be desired to have the same put upon record." The
"authentic copy" was duly printed, complete with signers'
names, by Mary Katherine Goddard in Baltimore.
Assuming
that the Declaration moved with the Congress, it would have been back in
Philadelphia from March to September 1777. On September 27, it would
have moved to Lancaster, PA, for 1 day only. From September 30, 1777,
through June 1778, the Declaration would have been kept in the
courthouse at York, PA. From July 1778 to June 1783, it would have had a
long stay back in Philadelphia. In 1783, it would have been at
Princeton, NJ, from June to November, and then, after the signing of the
Treaty of Paris, the Declaration would have been moved to Annapolis, MD,
where it stayed until October 1784. For the months of November and
December 1784, it would have been at Trenton, NJ. Then in 1785, when
Congress met in New York, the Declaration was housed in the old New York
City Hall, where it probably remained until 1790 (although when Pierre
L'Enfant was remodeling the building for the convening of the First
Federal Congress, it might have been temporarily removed).
In
July 1789 the First Congress under the new Constitution created the
Department of Foreign Affairs and directed that its Secretary should
have "the custody and charge of all records, books and papers"
kept by the department of the same name under the old government. On
July 24 Charles Thomson retired as Secretary of the Congress and, upon
the order of President George Washington, surrendered the Declaration to
Roger Alden, Deputy Secretary of Foreign Affairs. In September 1789 the
name of the department was changed to the Department of State. Thomas
Jefferson, the drafter of the Declaration, returned from France to
assume his duties as the first Secretary of State in March of 1790.
Appropriately, those duties now included custody of the Declaration.
In
July 1790 Congress provided for a permanent capital to be built among
the woodlands and swamps bordering the Potomac River. Meanwhile, the
temporary seat of government was to return to Philadelphia. Congress
also provided that "prior to the first Monday in December next, all
offices attached to the seat of the government of the United
States" should be removed to Philadelphia. The Declaration was
therefore back in Philadelphia by the close of 1790. It was housed in
various buildings--on Market Street, at Arch and Sixth, and at Fifth and
Chestnut.
In
1800, by direction of President John Adams, the Declaration and other
government records were moved from Philadelphia to the new federal
capital now rising in the District of Columbia. To reach its new home,
the Declaration traveled down the Delaware River and Bay, out into the
ocean, into the Chesapeake Bay, and up the Potomac to Washington,
completing its longest water journey.
For
about 2 months the Declaration was housed in buildings built for the use
of the Treasury Department. For the next year it was housed in one of
the "Seven Buildings" then standing at Nineteenth Street and
Pennsylvania Avenue. Its third home before 1814 was in the old War
Office Building on Seventeenth Street.
In
August 1814, the United States being again at war with Great Britain, a
British fleet appeared in the Chesapeake Bay. Secretary of State James
Monroe rode out to observe the landing of British forces along the
Patuxent River in Maryland. A message from Monroe alerted State
Department officials, in particular a clerk named Stephen Pleasonton, of
the imminent threat to the capital city and, of course, the government's
official records. Pleasonton "proceeded to purchase coarse linen,
and cause it to be made into bags of convenient size, in which the
gentlemen of the office" packed the precious books and records
including the Declaration.
A
cartload of records was then taken up the Potomac River to an unused
gristmill belonging to Edgar Patterson. The structure was located on the
Virginia side of the Potomac, about 2 miles upstream from Georgetown.
Here the Declaration and the other records remained, probably overnight.
Pleasonton, meanwhile, asked neighboring farmers for the use of their
wagons. On August 24, the day of the British attack on Washington, the
Declaration was on its way to Leesburg, VA. That evening, while the
White House and other government buildings were burning, the Declaration
was stored 35 miles away at Leesburg.
The
Declaration remained safe at a private home in Leesburg for an interval
of several weeks--in fact, until the British had withdrawn their troops
from Washington and their fleet from the Chesapeake Bay. In September
1814 the Declaration was returned to the national capital. With the
exception of a trip to Philadelphia for the Centennial and to Fort Knox
during World War II, it has remained there ever since.
Washington,
1814-76
The
Declaration remained in Washington from September 1814 to May 1841. It
was housed in four locations. From 1814 to 1841, it was kept in three
different locations as the State Department records were shifted about
the growing city. The last of these locations was a brick building that,
it was later observed, "offered no security against fire."
One
factor that had no small effect on the physical condition of the
Declaration was recognized as interest in reproductions of the
Declaration increased as the nation grew. Two early facsimile printings
of the Declaration were made during the second decade of the 19th
century: those of Benjamin Owen Tyler (1818) and John Binns (1819). Both
facsimiles used decorative and ornamental elements to enhance the text
of the Declaration. Richard Rush, who was Acting Secretary of State in
1817, remarked on September 10 of that year about the Tyler copy:
"The foregoing copy of the Declaration of Independence has been
collated with the original instrument and found correct. I have myself
examined the signatures to each. Those executed by Mr. Tyler, are
curiously exact imitations, so much so, that it would be difficult, if
not impossible, for the closest scrutiny to distinguish them, were it
not for the hand of time, from the originals." Rush's reference to
"the hand of time" suggests that the signatures were already
fading in 1817, only 40 years after they were first affixed to the
parchment.
One
later theory as to why the Declaration was aging so soon after its
creation stems from the common 18th-century practice of taking
"press copies." Press copies were made by placing a damp sheet
of thin paper on a manuscript and pressing it until a portion of the ink
was transferred. The thin paper copy was retained in the same manner as
a modern carbon copy. The ink was reimposed on a copper plate, which was
then etched so that copies could be run off the plate on a press. This
"wet transfer" method may have been used by William J. Stone
when in 1820 he was commissioned by Secretary of State John Quincy Adams
to make a facsimile of the entire Declaration, signatures as well as
text. By June 5, 1823, almost exactly 47 years after Jefferson's first
draft of the Declaration, the (Washington) National Intelligencer was
able to report "that Mr. William J. Stone, a respectable and
enterprising Engraver of this City, has, after a labor of three years,
completed a fac simile of the original of the Declaration of
Independence, now in the archives of the government; that it is executed
with the greatest exactness and fidelity; and that the Department of
State has become the purchaser of the plate."
As
the Intelligencer went on to observe: "We are very glad to hear
this, for the original of that paper which ought to be immortal and
imperishable, by being so much handled by copyists and curious visitors,
might receive serious injury. The facility of multiplying copies of it
now possessed by the Department of State will render further exposure of
the original unnecessary." The language of the newspaper report,
like that of Rush's earlier comment, would seem to indicate some fear of
the deterioration of the Declaration even prior to Stone's work.
The
copies made from Stone's copperplate established the clear visual image
of the Declaration for generations of Americans. The 200 official
parchment copies struck from the Stone plate carry the identification
"Engraved by W. J. Stone for the Department of State, by
order" in the upper left corner followed by "of J. Q. Adams,
Sec. of State July 4th 1823." in the upper right corner.
"Unofficial" copies that were struck later do not have the
identification at the top of the document. Instead the engraver
identified his work by engraving "W. J. Stone SC. Washn." near
the lower left corner and burnishing out the earlier identification.
The
longest of the early sojourns of the Declaration was from 1841 to 1876.
Daniel Webster was Secretary of State in 1841. On June 11 he wrote to
Commissioner of Patents Henry L. Ellsworth, who was then occupying a new
building (now the National Portrait Gallery), that "having learned
that there is in the new building appropriated to the Patent Office
suitable accommodations for the safe-keeping, as well as the exhibition
of the various articles now deposited in this Department, and usually,
exhibited to visitors . . . I have directed them to be transmitted to
you." An inventory accompanied the letter. Item 6 was the
Declaration.
The
"new building" was a white stone structure at Seventh and F
Streets. The Declaration and Washington's commission as commander in
chief were mounted together in a single frame and hung in a white
painted hall opposite a window offering exposure to sunlight. There they
were to remain on exhibit for 35 years, even after the Patent Office
separated from the State Department to become administratively a part of
the Interior Department. This prolonged exposure to sunlight accelerated
the deterioration of the ink and parchment of the Declaration, which was
approaching 100 years of age toward the end of this period.
During
the years that the Declaration was exhibited in the Patent Office, the
combined effects of aging, sunlight, and fluctuating temperature and
relative humidity took their toll on the document. Occasionally, writers
made somewhat negative comments on the appearance of the Declaration. An
observer in the United States Magazine (October 1856) went so far as to
refer to "that old looking paper with the fading ink." John B.
Ellis remarked in The Sights and Secrets of the National Capital
(Chicago, 1869) that "it is old and yellow, and the ink is fading
from the paper." An anonymous writer in the Historical Magazine
(October 1870) wrote: "The original manuscript of the Declaration
of Independence and of Washington's Commission, now in the United States
Patent Office at Washington, D.C., are said to be rapidly fading out so
that in a few years, only the naked parchment will remain. Already,
nearly all the signatures attached to the Declaration of Independence
are entirely effaced." In May 1873 the Historical Magazine
published an official statement by Mortimer Dormer Leggett, Commissioner
of Patents, who admitted that "many of the names to the Declaration
are already illegible."
The
technology of a new age and the interest in historical roots engendered
by the approaching Centennial focused new interest on the Declaration in
the 1870s and brought about a brief change of home.
The
Centennial and the Debate Over Preservation, 1876-1921
In
1876 the Declaration traveled to Philadelphia, where it was on exhibit
for the Centennial National Exposition from May to October.
Philadelphia's Mayor William S. Stokley was entrusted by President
Ulysses S. Grant with temporary custody of the Declaration. The Public
Ledger for May 8, 1876, noted that it was in Independence Hall
"framed and glazed for protection, and . . . deposited in a
fireproof safe especially designed for both preservation and convenient
display. [When the outer doors of the safe were opened, the parchment
was visible behind a heavy plate-glass inner door; the doors were closed
at night.] Its aspect is of course faded and time-worn. The text is
fully legible, but the major part of the signatures are so pale as to be
only dimly discernible in the strongest light, a few remain wholly
readable, and some are wholly invisible, the spaces which contained them
presenting only a blank."
Other
descriptions made at Philadelphia were equally unflattering:
"scarce bears trace of the signatures the execution of which made
fifty-six names imperishable," "aged-dimmed." But on the
Fourth of July, after the text was read aloud to a throng on
Independence Square by Richard Henry Lee of Virginia (grandson of the
signer Richard Henry Lee), "The faded and crumbling manuscript,
held together by a simple frame was then exhibited to the crowd and was
greeted with cheer after cheer."
By
late summer the Declaration's physical condition had become a matter of
public concern. On August 3, 1876, Congress adopted a joint resolution
providing "that a commission, consisting of the Secretary of the
Interior, the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, and the
Librarian of Congress be empowered to have resort to such means as will
most effectually restore the writing of the original manuscript of the
Declaration of Independence, with the signatures appended thereto."
This resolution had actually been introduced as early as January 5,
1876. One candidate for the task of restoration was William J. Canby, an
employee of the Washington Gas Light Company. On April 13 Canby had
written to the Librarian of Congress: "I have had over thirty years
experience in handling the pen upon parchment and in that time, as an
expert, have engrossed hundreds of ornamental, special documents."
Canby went on to suggest that "the only feasible plan is to
replenish the original with a supply of ink, which has been destroyed by
the action of light and time, with an ink well known to be, for all
practical purposes, imperishable."
The
commission did not, however, take any action at that time. After the
conclusion of the Centennial exposition, attempts were made to secure
possession of the Declaration for Philadelphia, but these failed and the
parchment was returned to the Patent Office in Washington, where it had
been since 1841, even though that office had become a part of the
Interior Department. On April 11, 1876, Robert H. Duell, Commissioner of
Patents, had written to Zachariah Chandler, Secretary of the Interior,
suggesting that "the Declaration of Independence, and the
commission of General Washington, associated with it in the same frame,
belong to your Department as heirlooms.
Chandler
appears to have ignored this claim, for in an exchange of letters with
Secretary of State Hamilton Fish, it was agreed-with the approval of
President Grant-to move the Declaration into the new, fireproof building
that the State Department shared with the War and Navy Departments (now
the Old Executive Office Building).
On
March 3, 1877, the Declaration was placed in a cabinet on the eastern
side of the State Department library, where it was to be exhibited for
17 years. It may be noted that not only was smoking permitted in the
library, but the room contained an open fireplace. Nevertheless this
location turned out to be safer than the premises just vacated; much of
the Patent Office was gutted in a fire that occurred a few months later.
On
May 5, 1880, the commission that had been appointed almost 4 years
earlier came to life again in response to a call from the Secretary of
the Interior. It requested that William B. Rogers, president of the
National Academy of Sciences appoint a committee of experts to consider
"whether such restoration [of the Declaration] be expedient or
practicable and if so in what way the object can best be
accomplished."
The
duly appointed committee reported on January 7, 1881, that Stone used
the "wet transfer" method in the creation of his facsimile
printing of 1823, that the process had probably removed some of the
original ink, and that chemical restoration methods were "at best
imperfect and uncertain in their results." The committee concluded,
therefore, that "it is not expedient to attempt to restore the
manuscript by chemical means." The group of experts then
recommended that "it will be best either to cover the present
receptacle of the manuscript with an opaque lid or to remove the
manuscript from its frame and place it in a portfolio, where it may be
protected from the action of light." Finally, the committee
recommended that "no press copies of any part of it should in
future be permitted."
Recent
study of the Declaration by conservators at the National Archives has
raised doubts that a "wet transfer" took place. Proof of this
occurrence, however, cannot be verified or denied strictly by modern
examination methods. No documentation prior to the 1881 reference has
been found to support the theory; therefore we may never know if Stone
actually performed the procedure.
Little,
if any, action was taken as a result of the 1881 report. It was not
until 1894 that the State Department announced: "The rapid fading
of the text of the original Declaration of Independence and the
deterioration of the parchment upon which it is engrossed, from exposure
to light and lapse of time, render it impracticable for the Department
longer to exhibit it or to handle it. For the secure preservation of its
present condition, so far as may be possible, it has been carefully
wrapped and placed flat in a steel case."
A
new plate for engravings was made by the Coast and Geodetic Survey in
1895, and in 1898 a photograph was made for the Ladies' Home Journal. On
this latter occasion, the parchment was noted as "still in good
legible condition" although "some of the signatures" were
"necessarily blurred."
On
April 14, 1903, Secretary of State John Hay solicited again the help of
the National Academy of Sciences in providing "such recommendations
as may seem practicable . . . touching [the Declaration's]
preservation." Hay went on to explain: "It is now kept out of
the light, sealed between two sheets of glass, presumably proof against
air, and locked in a steel safe. I am unable to say, however, that, in
spite of these precautions, observed for the past ten years, the text is
not continuing to fade and the parchment to wrinkle and perhaps to
break."
On
April 24 a committee of the academy reported its findings. Summarizing
the physical history of the Declaration, the report stated: "The
instrument has suffered very seriously from the very harsh treatment to
which it was exposed in the early years of the Republic. Folding and
rolling have creased the parchment. The wet press-copying operation to
which it was exposed about 1820, for the purpose of producing a
facsimile copy, removed a large portion of the ink. Subsequent exposure
to the action of light for more than thirty years, while the instrument
was placed on exhibition, has resulted in the fading of the ink,
particularly in the signatures. The present method of caring for the
instrument seems to be the best that can be suggested."
The
committee added its own "opinion that the present method of
protecting the instrument should be continued; that it should be kept in
the dark and dry as possible, and never placed on exhibition."
Secretary Hay seems to have accepted the committee's recommendation; in
the following year, William H. Michael, author of The Declaration of
Independence (Washington, 1904), recorded that the Declaration was
"locked and sealed, by order of Secretary Hay, and is no longer
shown to anyone except by his direction."
World
War I came and went. Then, on April 21, 1920, Secretary of State
Bainbridge Colby issued an order creating yet another committee: "A
Committee is hereby appointed to study the proper steps that should be
taken for the permanent and effective preservation from deterioration
and from danger from fire, or other form of destruction, of those
documents of supreme value which under the law are deposited with the
Secretary of State. The inquiry will include the question of display of
certain of these documents for the benefit of the patriotic
public."
On
May 5, 1920, the new committee reported on the physical condition of the
safes that housed the Declaration and the Constitution. It declared:
"The safes are constructed of thin sheets of steel. They are not
fireproof nor would they offer much obstruction to an evil-disposed
person who wished to break into them." About the physical condition
of the Declaration, the committee stated: "We believe the fading
can go no further. We see no reason why the original document should not
be exhibited if the parchment be laid between two sheets of glass,
hermetically sealed at the edges and exposed only to diffused
light."
The
committee also made some important "supplementary
recommendations." It noted that on March 3, 1903, President
Theodore Roosevelt had directed that certain records relating to the
Continental Congress be turned over by the Department of State to the
Library of Congress: "This transfer was made under a provision of
an Act of February 25, 1903, that any Executive Department may turn over
to the Library of Congress books, maps, or other material no longer
needed for the use of the Department." The committee recommended
that the remaining papers, including the Declaration and the
Constitution, be similarly given over to the custody of the Library of
Congress. For the Declaration, therefore, two important changes were in
the offing: a new home and the possibility of exhibition to "the
patriotic public."
The
Library of Congress . . . and Fort Knox, 1921-52
There
was no action on the recommendations of 1920 until after the Harding
administration took office. On September 28, 1921, Secretary of State
Charles Evans Hughes addressed the new President: "I enclose an
executive order for your signature, if you approve, transferring to the
custody of the Library of Congress the original Declaration of
Independence and Constitution of the United States which are now in the
custody of this Department. . . . I make this recommendation because in
the Library of Congress these muniments will be in the custody of
experts skilled in archival preservation, in a building of modern
fireproof construction, where they can safely be exhibited to the many
visitors who now desire to see them."
President
Warren G. Harding agreed. On September 29, 1921, he issued the Executive
order authorizing the transfer. The following day Secretary Hughes sent
a copy of the order to Librarian of Congress Herbert Putnam, stating
that he was "prepared to turn the documents over to you when you
are ready to receive them."
Putnam
was both ready and eager. He presented himself forthwith at the State
Department. The safes were opened, and the Declaration and the
Constitution were carried off to the Library of Congress on Capitol Hill
in the Library's "mail wagon," cushioned by a pile of leather
U.S. mail sacks. Upon arrival, the two national treasures were placed in
a safe in Putnam's office.
On
October 3, Putnam took up the matter of a permanent location. In a
memorandum to the superintendent of the Library building and grounds,
Putnam proceeded from the premise that "in the Library" the
documents "might be treated in such a way as, while fully
safe-guarding them and giving them distinction, they should be open to
inspection by the public at large." The memorandum discussed the
need for a setting "safe, dignified, adequate, and in every way
suitable . . . Material less than bronze would be unworthy. The cost
must be considerable."
The
Librarian then requested the sum of $12,000 for his purpose. The need
was urgent because the new Bureau of the Budget was about to print
forthcoming fiscal year estimates. There was therefore no time to make
detailed architectural plans. Putnam told an appropriations committee on
January 16, 1922, just what he had in mind. "There is a way . . .
we could construct, say, on the second floor on the western side in that
long open gallery a railed inclosure, material of bronze, where these
documents, with one or two auxiliary documents leading up to them, could
be placed, where they need not be touched by anybody but where a mere
passer-by could see them, where they could be set in permanent bronze
frames and where they could be protected from the natural light, lighted
only by soft incandescent lamps. The result could be achieved and you
would have something every visitor to Washington would wish to tell
about when he returned and who would regard it, as the newspapermen are
saying, with keen interest as a sort of 'shrine.'" The Librarian's
imaginative presentation was successful: The sum of $12,000 was
appropriated and approved on March 20, 1922.
Before
long, the "sort of 'shrine'" was being designed by Francis H.
Bacon, whose brother Henry was the architect of the Lincoln Memorial.
Materials used included different kinds of marble from New York,
Vermont, Tennessee, the Greek island of Tinos, and Italy. The marbles
surrounding the manuscripts were American; the floor and balustrade were
made of foreign marbles to correspond with the material used in the rest
of the Library. The Declaration was to be housed in a frame of
gold-plated bronze doors and covered with double panes of plate glass
with specially prepared gelatin films between the plates to exclude the
harmful rays of light. A 24-hour guard would provide protection.
On
February 28, 1924, the shrine was dedicated in the presence of President
and Mrs. Calvin Coolidge, Secretary Hughes, and other distinguished
guests. Not a word was spoken during a moving ceremony in which Putnam
fitted the Declaration into its frame. There were no speeches. Two
stanzas of America were sung. In Putnam's words: "The impression on
the audience proved the emotional potency of documents animate with a
great tradition."
With
only one interruption, the Declaration hung on the wall of the second
floor of the Great Hall of the Library of Congress until December 1952.
During the prosperity of the 1920s and the Depression of the 1930s,
millions of people visited the shrine. But the threat of war and then
war itself caused a prolonged interruption in the steady stream of
visitors.
On
April 30, 1941, worried that the war raging in Europe might engulf the
United States, the newly appointed Librarian of Congress, Archibald
MacLeish, wrote to the Secretary of the Treasury, Henry Morgenthau, Jr.
The Librarian was concerned for the most precious of the many objects in
his charge. He wrote "to enquire whether space might perhaps be
found" at the Bullion Depository in Fort Knox for his most valuable
materials, including the Declaration, "in the unlikely event that
it becomes necessary to remove them from Washington." Secretary
Morgenthau replied that space would indeed be made available as
necessary for the "storage of such of the more important papers as
you might designate."
On
December 7, 1941, the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor. On December 23,
the Declaration and the Constitution were removed from the shrine and
placed between two sheets of acid-free manilla paper. The documents were
then carefully wrapped in a container of all-rag neutral millboard and
placed in a specially designed bronze container. It was late at night
when the container was finally secured with padlocks on each side.
Preparations were resumed on the day after Christmas, when the Attorney
General ruled that the Librarian needed no "further authority from
the Congress or the President" to take such action as he deemed
necessary for the "proper protection and preservation" of the
documents in his charge.
The
packing process continued under constant armed guard. The container was
finally sealed with lead and packed in a heavy box; the whole weighed
some 150 pounds. It was a far cry from the simple linen bag of the
summer of 1814.
At
about 5 p.m. the box, along with other boxes containing vital records,
was loaded into an armed and escorted truck, taken to Union Station, and
loaded into a compartment of the Pullman sleeper Eastlake. Armed Secret
Service agents occupied the neighboring compartments. After departing
from Washington at 6:30 p.m., the Declaration traveled to Louisville,
KY, arriving at 10:30 a.m., December 27, 1941. More Secret Service
agents and a cavalry troop of the 13th Armored Division met the train,
convoyed its precious contents to the Bullion Depository at Fort Knox,
and placed the Declaration in compartment 24 in the outer tier on the
ground level.
The
Declaration was periodically examined during its sojourn at Fort Knox.
One such examination in 1942 found that the Declaration had become
detached in part from its mount, including the upper right corner, which
had been stuck down with copious amounts of glue. In his journal for May
14, 1942, Verner W. Clapp, a Library of Congress official, noted:
"At one time also (about January 12, 1940) an attempt had been made
to reunite the detached upper right hand corner to the main portion by
means of a strip of 'scotch' cellulose tape which was still in place,
discolored to a molasses color. In the various mending efforts glue had
been splattered in two places on the obverse of the document."
The
opportunity was taken to perform conservation treatment in order to
stabilize and rejoin the upper right corner. Under great secrecy, George
Stout and Evelyn Erlich, both of the Fogg Museum at Harvard University,
traveled to Fort Knox. Over a period of 2 days, they performed mending
of small tears, removed excess adhesive and the "scotch" tape,
and rejoined the detached upper right corner.
Finally,
in 1944, the military authorities assured the Library of Congress that
all danger of enemy attack had passed. On September 19, the documents
were withdrawn from Fort Knox. On Sunday, October 1, at 11:30 a.m., the
doors of the Library were opened. The Declaration was back in its
shrine.
With
the return of peace, the keepers of the Declaration were mindful of the
increasing technological expertise available to them relating to the
preservation of the parchment. In this they were readily assisted by the
National Bureau of Standards, which even before World War II, had
researched the preservation of the Declaration. The problem of shielding
it from harsh light, for example, had in 1924 led to the insertion of a
sheet of yellow gelatin between the protective plates of glass. Yet this
procedure lessened the visibility of an already faded parchment. Could
not some improvement be made?
Following
reports of May 5, 1949, on studies in which the Library staff, members
of the National Bureau of Standards, and representatives of a glass
manufacturer had participated, new recommendations were made. In 1951
the Declaration was sealed in a thermopane enclosure filled with
properly humidified helium. The exhibit case was equipped with a filter
to screen out damaging light. The new enclosure also had the effect of
preventing harm from air pollution, a growing peril.
Soon
after, however, the Declaration was to make one more move, the one to
its present home. (See Appendix B.)
The
National Archives, 1952 to the Present
In
1933, while the Depression gripped the nation, President Hoover laid the
cornerstone for the National Archives Building in Washington, DC. He
announced that the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution
would eventually be kept in the impressive structure that was to occupy
the site. Indeed, it was for their keeping and display that the
exhibition hall in the National Archives had been designed. Two large
murals were painted for its walls. In one, Thomas Jefferson is depicted
presenting the Declaration to John Hancock, President of the Continental
Congress while members of that Revolutionary body look on. In the
second, James Madison is portrayed submitting the Constitution to George
Washington.
The
final transfer of these special documents did not, however, take place
until almost 20 years later. In October 1934 President Franklin D.
Roosevelt appointed the first Archivist of the United States, Robert
Digges Wimberly Connor. The President told Connor that "valuable
historic documents," such as the Declaration of Independence and
the U.S. Constitution, would reside in the National Archives Building.
The Library of Congress, especially Librarian Herbert Putnam, objected.
In a meeting with the President 2 months after his appointment, Connor
explained to Roosevelt how the documents came to be in the Library and
that Putnam felt another Act of Congress was necessary in order for them
to be transferred to the Archives. Connor eventually told the President
that it would be better to leave the matter alone until Putnam retired.
When
Herbert Putnam retired on April 5, 1939, Archibald MacLeish was
nominated to replace him. MacLeish agreed with Roosevelt and Connor that
the two important documents belonged in the National Archives. Because
of World War II, during much of which the Declaration was stored at Fort
Knox, and Connor's resignation in 1941, MacLeish was unable to enact the
transfer. By 1944, when the Declaration and Constitution returned to
Washington from Fort Knox, MacLeish had been appointed Assistant
Secretary of State.
Solon
J. Buck, Connor's successor as Archivist of the United States (1941-48),
felt that the documents were in good hands at the Library of Congress.
His successor, Wayne Grover, disagreed. Luther Evans, the Librarian of
Congress appointed by President Truman in June 1945, shared Grover's
opinion that the documents should be transferred to the Archives.
In
1951 the two men began working with their staff members and legal
advisers to have the documents transferred. The Archives position was
that the documents were federal records and therefore covered by the
Federal Records Act of 1950, which was "paramount to and took
precedence over" the 1922 act that had appropriated money for the
shrine at the Library of Congress. Luther Evans agreed with this line of
reasoning, but he emphasized getting the approval of the President and
the Joint Committee on the Library.
Senator
Theodore H. Green, Chairman of the Joint Committee on the Library,
agreed that the transfer should take place but stipulated that it would
be necessary to have his committee act on the matter. Evans went to the
April 30, 1952, committee meeting alone. There is no formal record of
what was said at the meeting, except that the Joint Committee on the
Library ordered that the documents be transferred to the National
Archives. Not only was the Archives the official depository of the
government's records, it was also, in the judgment of the committee, the
most nearly bombproof building in Washington.
At
11 a.m., December 13, 1952, Brigadier General Stoyte O. Ross, commanding
general of the Air Force Headquarters Command, formally received the
documents at the Library of Congress. Twelve members of the Armed Forces
Special Police carried the 6 pieces of parchment in their helium-filled
glass cases, enclosed in wooden crates, down the Library steps through a
line of 88 servicewomen. An armored Marine Corps personnel carrier
awaited the documents. Once they had been placed on mattresses inside
the vehicle, they were accompanied by a color guard, ceremonial troops,
the Army Band, the Air Force Drum and Bugle Corps, two light tanks, four
servicemen carrying submachine guns, and a motorcycle escort in a parade
down Pennsylvania and Constitution Avenues to the Archives Building.
Both sides of the parade route were lined by Army, Navy, Coast Guard,
Marine, and Air Force personnel. At 11:35 a.m. General Ross and the 12
special policemen arrived at the National Archives Building, carried the
crates up the steps, and formally delivered them into the custody of
Archivist of the United States Wayne Grover. (Already at the National
Archives was the Bill of Rights, protectively sealed according to the
modern techniques used a year earlier for the Declaration and
Constitution.)
The
formal enshrining ceremony on December 15, 1952, was equally impressive.
Chief Justice of the United States Fred M. Vinson presided over the
ceremony, which was attended by officials of more than 100 national
civic, patriotic, religious, veterans, educational, business, and labor
groups. After the invocation by the Reverend Frederick Brown Harris,
chaplain of the Senate, Governor Elbert N. Carvel of Delaware, the first
state to ratify the Constitution, called the roll of states in the order
in which they ratified the Constitution or were admitted to the Union.
As each state was called, a servicewoman carrying the state flag entered
the Exhibition Hall and remained at attention in front of the display
cases circling the hall. President Harry S. Truman, the featured
speaker, said:
"The
Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights
are now assembled in one place for display and safekeeping. . . . We
are engaged here today in a symbolic act. We are enshrining these
documents for future ages. . . . This magnificent hall has been
constructed to exhibit them, and the vault beneath, that we have built
to protect them, is as safe from destruction as anything that the wit
of modern man can devise. All this is an honorable effort, based upon
reverence for the great past, and our generation can take just pride
in it."
Senator
Green briefly traced the history of the three documents, and then the
Librarian of Congress and the Archivist of the United States jointly
unveiled the shrine. Finally, Justice Vinson spoke briefly, the Reverend
Bernard Braskamp, chaplain of the House of Representatives gave the
benediction, the U.S. Marine Corps Band played the "Star Spangled
Banner," the President was escorted from the hall, the 48
flagbearers marched out, and the ceremony was over. (The story of the
transfer of the documents is found in Milton O. Gustafson, " The
Empty Shrine: The Transfer of the Declaration of Independence and the
Constitution to the National Archives," The American Archivist 39
(July 1976): 271-285.)
The
present shrine provides an imposing home. The priceless documents stand
at the center of a semicircle of display cases showing other important
records of the growth of the United States. The Declaration, the
Constitution, and the Bill of Rights stand slightly elevated, under
armed guard, in their bronze and marble shrine. The Bill of Rights and
two of the five leaves of the Constitution are displayed flat. Above
them the Declaration of Independence is held impressively in an upright
case constructed of ballistically tested glass and plastic laminate.
Ultraviolet-light filters in the laminate give the inner layer a
slightly greenish hue. At night, the documents are stored in an
underground vault.
In
1987 the National Archives and Records Administration installed a $3
million camera and computerized system to monitor the condition of the
three documents. The Charters Monitoring System was designed by the Jet
Propulsion Laboratory to assess the state of preservation of the
Constitution, the Declaration of Independence, and the Bill of Rights.
It can detect any changes in readability due to ink flaking, off-setting
of ink to glass, changes in document dimensions, and ink fading. The
system is capable of recording in very fine detail 1-inch square areas
of documents and later retaking the pictures in exactly the same places
and under the same conditions of lighting and charge-coupled device (CCD)
sensitivity. (The CCD measures reflectivity.) Periodic measurements are
compared to the baseline image to determine if changes or deterioration
invisible to the human eye have taken place.
The
Declaration has had many homes, from humble lodgings and government
offices to the interiors of safes and great public displays. It has been
carried in wagons, ships, a Pullman sleeper, and an armored vehicle. In
its latest home, it has been viewed with respect by millions of people,
everyone of whom has had thereby a brief moment, a private moment, to
reflect on the meaning of democracy. The nation to which the Declaration
gave birth has had an immense impact on human history, and continues to
do so. In telling the story of the parchment, it is appropriate to
recall the words of poet and Librarian of Congress Archibald MacLeish.
He described the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution as
"these fragile objects which bear so great a weight of meaning to
our people." The story of the Declaration of Independence as a
document can only be a part of the larger history, a history still
unfolding, a "weight of meaning" constantly, challenged,
strengthened, and redefined.

The
locations given for the Declaration from 1776 to 1789 are based on the
locations for meetings of the Continental and Confederation Congresses:
Philadelphia:
August-December 1776
Baltimore: December 1776-March 1777
Philadelphia: March-September 1777
Lancaster, PA: September 27, 1777
York, PA: September 30, 1777-June 1778
Philadelphia: July 1778-June 1783
Princeton, NJ: June-November 1783
Annapolis, MD: November 1783-October 1784
Trenton, NJ: November-December 1784
New York: 1785-1790
Philadelphia: 1790-1800
Washington, DC (three locations): 1800-1814
Leesburg, VA: August-September 1814
Washington, DC (three locations): 1814-1841
Washington, DC (Patent Office Building): 1841-1876
Philadelphia: May-November 1876
Washington, DC (State, War, and Navy Building): 1877-1921
Washington, DC (Library of Congress): 1921-1941
Fort Knox*: 1941-1944
Washington, DC (Library of Congress): 1944-1952
Washington, DC (National Archives): 1952-present
*Except
that the document was displayed on April 13, 1943, at the dedication of
the Thomas Jefferson Memorial in Washington, DC.

IN
CONGRESS, July 4, 1776.
The
unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America,
When
in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to
dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and
to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station
to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent
respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the
causes which impel them to the separation.
We
hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal,
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights,
that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.--That
to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving
their just powers from the consent of the governed, --That whenever any
Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of
the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government,
laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in
such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and
Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long
established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and
accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to
suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by
abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train
of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a
design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is
their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for
their future security.--Such has been the patient sufferance of these
Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter
their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of
Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all
having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over
these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.
He
has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for
the public good.
He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing
importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should
be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend
to them.
He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large
districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of
Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and
formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual,
uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public
Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with
his measures.
He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with
manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause
others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of
Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise;
the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of
invasion from without, and convulsions within.
He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that
purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners;
refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and
raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.
He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his
Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.
He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of
their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of
Officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the
Consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to
the Civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to
our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to
their Acts of pretended Legislation:
For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders
which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:
For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:
For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:
For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:
For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences
For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring
Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging
its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit
instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:
For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and
altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:
For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested
with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his
Protection and waging War against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and
destroyed the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to
compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun
with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the
most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized
nation.
He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas
to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of
their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured
to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian
Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished
destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.
In
every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the
most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by
repeated injury. A Prince whose character is thus marked by every act
which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
Nor
have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish brethren. We have
warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend
an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the
circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to
their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the
ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would
inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have
been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must,
therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation,
and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace
Friends.
We,
therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in
General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world
for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority
of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That
these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent
States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown,
and that all political connection between them and the State of Great
Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and
Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace,
contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and
Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of
this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine
Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and
our sacred Honor.

The
56 signatures on the Declaration appear in the positions indicated:
Georgia:
Button Gwinnett
Lyman Hall
George Walton |
North Carolina:
William Hooper
Joseph Hewes
John Penn
South Carolina:
Edward Rutledge
Thomas Heyward, Jr.
Thomas Lynch, Jr.
Arthur Middleton |
Massachusetts:
John Hancock
Maryland:
Samuel Chase
William Paca
Thomas Stone
Charles Carroll
Virginia:
George Wythe
Richard Henry Lee
Thomas Jefferson
Benjamin Harrison
Thomas Nelson, Jr.
Francis Lightfoot Lee
Carter Braxton |
Pennsylvania:
Robert Morris
Benjamin Rush
Benjamin Franklin
John Morton
George Clymer
James Smith
George Taylor
James Wilson
George Ross
Delaware:
Caesar Rodney
George Read
Thomas McKean |
New York:
William Floyd
Philip Livingston
Francis Lewis
Lewis Morris
New Jersey:
Richard Stockton
John Witherspoon
Francis Hopkinson
John Hart
Abraham Clark |
New Hampshire:
Josiah Bartlett
William Whipple
Massachusetts:
Samuel Adams
John Adams
Robert Treat Paine
Elbridge Gerry
Rhode Island:
Stephen Hopkins
William Ellery
Connecticut:
Roger Sherman
Samuel Huntington
William Williams
Oliver Wolcott
New Hampshire:
Matthew Thornton |